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<title level="m" type="main">Oklahoma City Bombing</title>
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<author>Stephen Sloan</author>
<editor>David J. Wishart</editor>
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<addrLine>University of Nebraska&#8211;Lincoln</addrLine>
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<p>Copyright &#169; 2011 by University of Nebraska&#8211;Lincoln, all rights reserved. Redistribution or republication in any medium, except as allowed under the Fair Use provisions of U.S. copyright law, requires express written consent from the editors and advance notification of the publisher, the University of Nebraska&#8211;Lincoln.</p>
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<bibl><author n="Sloan, Stephen">Stephen Sloan</author>. <title level="a">"Oklahoma City Bombing."</title> In <editor n="Wishart, David J.">David J. Wishart</editor>, ed. <title level="m">Encyclopedia of the Great Plains</title>. <pubPlace>Lincoln</pubPlace>: <publisher>University of Nebraska Press</publisher>, <date value="2004">2004</date>. <biblScope type="pages">720</biblScope>.</bibl>
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<div1>
<head type="main">OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING</head>

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<figDesc>Oklahoma City National Memorial, Field of Empty Chairs</figDesc>
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<p>The bombing of the Murrah Federal Building
in downtown Oklahoma City at 9:02 on the
morning of April 19, 1995, created emotional,
social, and political shock waves that reverberated
throughout the Great Plains and beyond.
The deaths of 168 people and the wounding of
more than 674 tragically confronted heartland
residents with the reality that they were not
immune from the violent forces they had
mainly perceived as an abstraction.</p>

<p>Previous outbreaks of violence associated
with controversial social and political issues
had been minor in the Great Plains. The
bombings of abortion clinics were a continuing
threat in the region, but loss of life and
property were limited. In fact, under the criteria
of the Department of Justice, such acts
were not regarded as terrorism. However, the
seeds for discontent continued to be sown as a
result of the crisis in family farming and the
closing of smokestack industries. That discontent
was channeled and manipulated by the
militia movement into a distrust and hatred of
government, especially federal government.
The discontent was greatly magnified by the
deadly operations led by the Federal Bureau
of Investigation against Randy Weaver and
his family at Ruby Ridge in August 1992 and
against the Branch Davidian compound near
Waco, Texas, on April 19, 1993. The Waco siege
had a very personal meaning for Timothy
McVeigh, whose visit to the site contributed to
his rage against the government, a rage that
would be directed at the Murrah Building.</p>

<p>On the morning of April 19, 1995, an air of
normalcy marked the beginning of another
workday in Oklahoma City and the surrounding
communities. The weather, while a little
chilly, served as a reminder that spring had
finally come to the Plains. Watercooler discussion
focused on the continued revitalization
of the downtown former factory area known
as Bricktown and the prospects of the local
triple-A baseball team. But all this would
change at 9:02, when a massive explosion
rocked the downtown and sent destructive
shockwaves over a two-mile area. The explosion
could be heard twenty miles away. Initially,
those who were not on the immediate
scene attributed the explosion to a sonic
boom from a military aircraft at Tinker Air
Force Base in Midwest City or a gas explosion
in one of the abandoned buildings in a decayed
area near downtown. Even when the
first pictures were transmitted by the local
news helicopter a few minutes after the bombing,
the source of the explosion was uncertain.
The on-air pictures of the smoke and chaos at
the Murrah Building obscured what had happened,
even as survivors, bystanders, and
first-aid workers sought to initiate rescue operations.
It soon became clear from the destruction
of the building that Oklahoma City
had been subject to a terrorist attack.</p>

<p>Initially, the bombing was attributed to a
Middle Eastern terrorist organization. First, a
former Oklahoma congressman, with ties to
the intelligence community and law enforcement
in Washington <hi rend="smallcaps">DC</hi>, maintained that officials had indicated to him that a foreign group
probably initiated the attack. Terrorist experts
who appeared on network television largely
shared this "conventional wisdom." Second,
there was a state of denial that Americans
could have engaged in such carnage against
their fellow citizens. This changed with the
capture of Timothy McVeigh, but a knee-jerk
prejudice was one of the community's first responses
to the bombing.</p>

<p>More impressive was the way the community
assisted the survivors, their families, and
the victims' families. The first responders, including
the fire department, the police, and
health-care professionals, helped to establish
what is now called "the Oklahoma Standard"
in dealing with mass destruction. Soon, support
became national in scope, as rescue units
from around the country converged on Oklahoma
City.</p>

<p>The Oklahoma bombing entered a new and
still ongoing legal phase with the capture,
trial, and execution of Timothy McVeigh and
the continuing disposition of the Terry Nichols
case. Now almost ten years after the bombing,
the inhabitants of Oklahoma City face the
challenge of remembering and memorializing
the victims and survivors without continuing
a cycle of victimization. The Oklahoma City
National Memorial is not only a powerful
symbol of remembrances but has also become
a leading tourist destination in the region. In
addition, the Oklahoma City National Memorial
Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism
was established to study terrorism as well as
train first responders to deal more effectively
with future incidents.</p>

<p><hi rend="italic">See also</hi>: <hi rend="smallcaps">RELIGION</hi>: <ref n="egp.rel.007">Branch Dividians</ref>.</p>

<closer>
<signed>Stephen Sloan<lb/>
University of Oklahoma</signed>
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