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<title level="m" type="main">Corporate Farming</title>
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<author>Bruce Johnson</author>
<editor>David J. Wishart</editor>
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<p>Copyright &#169; 2011 by University of Nebraska&#8211;Lincoln, all rights reserved. Redistribution or republication in any medium, except as allowed under the Fair Use provisions of U.S. copyright law, requires express written consent from the editors and advance notification of the publisher, the University of Nebraska&#8211;Lincoln.</p>
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<bibl><author n="Johnson, Bruce">Bruce Johnson</author>. <title level="a">"Corporate Farming."</title> In <editor n="Wishart, David J.">David J. Wishart</editor>, ed. <title level="m">Encyclopedia of the Great Plains</title>. <pubPlace>Lincoln</pubPlace>: <publisher>University of Nebraska Press</publisher>, <date value="2004">2004</date>. <biblScope type="pages">40</biblScope>.</bibl>
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<head type="main">CORPORATE FARMING</head>

<p>Corporate farming has always played a significant
role in Great Plains agriculture. This is
explained in part by the scale of the production
of agriculture that exists in the Plains region
of the United States and Canada. Agricultural
production units in the Plains are
typically much larger in acres and in dollar
volume of production than their counterparts
in other parts of North America. In order to
be economically viable, both cropland and
livestock production units often extend over
thousands of acres and generate annual sales
values of a million dollars or more. Because of
sheer size, these units are frequently multifamily
that are efficiently transferred from
one generation to the next. Therefore, there
are economic as well as tax reasons to operate
within a corporate form of organization
rather than as a single proprietorship. In
short, corporate agriculture often makes sense
in the Plains.</p>

<p>Family-farm corporations are a frequent
and socially accepted component of Plains agriculture
in both the United States and Canada.
However, the two countries part company
in their historical attitudes toward nonfamily
corporate agriculture. While Canada has essentially
taken a laissez-faire attitude toward
nonfamily corporate agriculture, in large areas
of the United States there remains a pervasive
opposition to this form. Moreover, the opposition
essentially exists in the Plains states.</p>

<p>Of the nine states in the United States that
restrict corporate farming either by state statute
or constitutional mandate, eight lie within
the Plains region. In fact, the very roots of
anticorporate farm sentiment were historically
centered in North Dakota and eventually
spread as far south as Oklahoma. When insurance
companies began foreclosing on small
farmers in the depression years of the 1930s
and taking title to thousands of acres of land,
it was seen as a threat to the deep-seated values
and livelihood of working-class farm people.
Similarly, when the first signs of a more industrialized
agriculture began appearing in the
1960s, public reaction was strong. Many of the
states that did not have corporate farming restrictions
on the books instituted state statutes
at that time. In Nebraska, citizens even voted
corporate farming restrictions into the state
constitution when the legislature failed to enact
statutory restrictions.</p>

<p>Today, as the more advanced stages of an industrialized
type of production agriculture are
manifest in the form of mega-sized and vertically
integrated livestock production units,
Plains people are again reacting with a populist
response. Nonfamily corporate agriculture
is seen as a threat to the values and beliefs of
a Plains culture that remains tied to the land.
These are people whose ancestors migrated
here a century ago and tenaciously settled the
region, making it the productive agricultural
area it is today. It was built in the context of
family-farm agriculture and close-knit rural
communities, which wove a social fabric of
mutual support and care. There was a sense of
place and connectedness that could be comprehended
and lived within. Now, partly as a
result of large-scale industrialized production
agriculture, with its lower labor requirements,
Plains people see their social fabric unraveling:
young people migrate to urban centers, main
street businesses close for want of customers,
and schools and hospitals struggle to keep
their doors open.</p>

<p>Yet, for a variety of economic reasons, corporate
farming lends itself well to Plains agriculture.
Large capital investment and intricate
vertical integration with input suppliers as
well as with processors and end consumers
seem to be the emerging agricultural structure
of the twenty-first century. Finding market
niches with new or value-added products
is part of this new world of production agriculture.
In this context, a corporate form of
organization may facilitate the infusion of
outside capital, the improvement of resource
management, and the merging of nonfamily
partnerships into new and profitable business
ventures&#8211;in short, it may be more an
antidote than a poison for a rapidly changing
Plains agricultural economy. Nonfamily
corporate agriculture may actually enhance
rather than harm the sustainability of rural
economies.</p>

<p>In sum, the fate of the Great Plains in the
twenty-first century may well rest on what
happens to the structure of its production agriculture.
The key question is: Can corporate
farming strengthen the rural economy
without depopulating and compromising the
viability of the communities?</p>

<p><hi rend="italic">See also</hi> <hi rend="smallcaps">INDUSTRY</hi>: <ref n="egp.ind.003">Agribusiness</ref>.</p>

<closer>
<signed>Bruce Johnson<lb/>
University of Nebraska-Lincoln</signed>
</closer>
</div1>

<div1>
<bibl>Johnson, Bruce B. "Corporate Restrictions in U.S. Production
Agriculture: Economic Implications." <title level="j">Journal of
American Society of Farm Managers and Rural Appraisers</title>
(1995): 21–26.</bibl>
</div1>


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